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维基百科，自由的百科全书
波利尼西亚双体船的复制品（2009年摄于檀香山）
夏威夷人驾驶双体独木舟

波利尼西亚人的航海技术已被使用数千年，这些技术使得波利尼西亚人能够在太平洋上进行跨越数千公里的长途航行。波利尼西亚人驾驶着支腿独木舟（英语：Outrigger boat）或双体独木舟[註 1]，几乎与波利尼西亚三角内的每一座岛屿建立了联系[1]。除了运用口述传统代代相传的大量知识外，波利尼西亚的航海者还会使用包括观星、观鸟在内的航行技术[2][3][4][5]。除此之外，他们跳岛式的航行方式是为了应对太平洋上岛屿资源稀缺的问题。当某座岛屿上的资源，如食物、木材、水和土地，逐渐匮乏时，岛民便会运用航海技术前往新的岛屿。然而，随着南太平洋上越来越多的岛屿被人类占据，以及国籍和国界变得愈发重要，这种迁徙方式逐渐变得不可行。于是，人们便被困在资源紧缺的岛屿上[6][7][8]。

航海者通过使用航海技术以及由师傅口授给徒弟的知识（通常以歌曲的形式传承下来）前往一些小岛。通常，每个岛屿都会设有一个行会，其成员拥有很高的社会地位；在饥荒或苦难时期，他们可以进行交易以获取援助，或将人们撤离到邻近岛屿上。截止至2014年，人们仍然在波利尼西亚域外点的陶馬科島（英语：Taumako）上教授着这些传统的航行方法。同时，这些知识也被整个太平洋的航海社团传授。

无论是导航技术还是独木舟的建造方式在过去都被视为秘密，然而现代在复兴这些技艺时，它们正在被记录下来并被公开发表。

历史

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参见：古夏威夷（英语：Ancient Hawaii）、夏威夷歷史和密克罗尼西亚人的航海（英语：Micronesian navigation）
波利尼西亚三角

公元前约3000年至公元前约1000年之间，很可能起源于台湾的南岛人[註 2]开始向东南亚扩散[9]。随后，他们经过菲律宾和印度尼西亚，进入密克罗尼西亚西部的边缘地带，并扩张至美拉尼西亚。通过基因学的研究，科学家发现这一扩张过程留下了清晰的痕迹，使得可以追踪他们的迁徙路径并大致确定时间[10][11]。

公元前2世纪中叶，一种独特的文化突然出现在了美拉尼西亚西北部的俾斯麦群岛上，该群岛呈弧形分布，从新不列颠岛一直延伸至阿德默勒尔蒂群岛。这种文化被称为拉皮塔文化，在美拉尼西亚的考古记录中尤为显著，其特征之一是沿海建有大型永久性村落。除此之外，拉皮塔文化最具代表性的是其制陶技艺，其中包括大量形态各异的器皿，一些陶器的表面还刻有精美的图案。公元前大约1300年至公元前大约900年之间，拉皮塔文化从俾斯麦群岛向东扩张了约6000公里，最终到达汤加和萨摩亚[12]。拉皮塔陶器在传入西波利尼西亚后，如萨摩亚、汤加和斐济等地，仍被持续使用了多年，但由于粘土资源匮乏，最终消失在了大部分波利尼西亚地区上[13]。尽管陶器制造未能传播到西波利尼西亚以外的地区，但在波利尼西亚中部的考古发掘中仍有陶器材料出土，研究认为这些陶器是通过贸易传入的[14]。

根据波利尼西亚人的口述传统[註 3]，他们的航行路径被类比成一只章鱼，其头部位于法属波利尼西亚的赖阿特阿岛，触须则向太平洋各处延伸[17]。在口述传统中，这只章鱼有着不同的名字，如：Taumata-Fe’e-Fa’atupu-Hau（繁荣大章鱼）、Tumu-Ra’i-Fenua（天地之始）以及Te Wheke-a-Muturangi（英语：Te Wheke-a-Muturangi）（穆图朗伊（英语：Muturangi）章鱼）。

波利尼西亚东部和中部各群岛被发现和定居的具体时间，考古学界仍存在着激烈的争论。然而，普遍接受的时间认为，波利尼西亚人在公元1000年之前开始在库克群岛定居[18]。从这一点开始，波利尼西亚人开始向四面八方航行，他们首先定居于东波利尼西亚（包括社会群岛和马克萨斯群岛），随后更是到达了更偏远的地区，如夏威夷、复活节岛及新西兰[19]。除此之外，他们也在萨摩亚北部的图瓦卢环礁定居，图瓦卢也成为在美拉尼西亚及密克罗尼西亚建立波利尼西亚域外点的跳板[20][21][22] 。复活节岛的原住民可能起源于芒阿雷瓦岛。他们通过观察乌燕鸥的飞行路线发现了该岛。当第一位到访该岛的欧洲人——雅各布·罗赫芬登陆复活节岛时，他没有发现任何航行的迹象。相反，他注意到岛上树木稀少，不足以建造独木舟，而当地人使用的木筏也不适合航海[23]。

航海技术

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波利尼西亚人的航海非常依赖于持续的观察以及记忆，航海者需要记住他们从何方而来以确定他们自己目前的位置。太阳是这些航海者的主要向导之一，因为他们可以根据日出日落的准确方位来确定方向。日落后他们则会转而依靠星星来导航，当夜晚多云，或者在白天无法无法看到星星时，航海者也会依靠风向和海浪来作为指引[24]。

持续的观察能使航海者察觉到独木舟速度与航向的变化。因此，波利尼西亚人会观测多个方面，包括星星、洋流、波浪、能够指示岛屿方向的生物萤光现象、由岛屿和环礁引起的海-气相互作用、鸟类飞行、风向以及天气等[25][26]。

观鸟

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Certain seabirds such as the white tern and noddy tern fly out to sea in the morning to hunt fish, then return to land at night. Navigators seeking land sail opposite the birds' path in the morning and with them at night, especially relying on large groups of birds, and keeping in mind changes during nesting season.[27]

Harold Gatty suggested that long-distance Polynesian voyaging followed the seasonal paths of bird migrations. In The Raft Book,[28] a survival guide he wrote for the U.S. military during World War II, Gatty outlined various Polynesian navigation techniques for shipwrecked sailors or aviators to find land. There are some references in their oral traditions to the flight of birds, and Gatty claimed that departing voyages used onshore range marks pointing to distant islands in line with their flight paths.[29]:6 A voyage from Tahiti, the Tuamotus or the Cook Islands to New Zealand might have followed the migration of the long-tailed cuckoo (Eudynamys taitensis),[5] just as a voyage from Tahiti to Hawaiʻi would coincide with the track of the Pacific golden plover (Pluvialis fulva) and the bristle-thighed curlew (Numenius tahitiensis).

It is also believed that Polynesians, like many seafaring peoples, kept shore-sighting birds. One theory is that voyagers took a frigatebird (Fregata) with them. This bird's feathers become drenched and useless if it lands on water, so voyagers would release it when they thought they were close to land, and would follow it if it did not return to the canoe.[25]

观星

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Star compass of Mau Piailug taught in the Caroline Islands, with North at top. Re-creation with shells on sand, with Satawalese (Chuukic) text labels, from the Polynesian Voyaging Society.[30] See annotations on Commons.

The positions of the stars helped guide Polynesian voyages. Stars, as opposed to planets, hold fixed celestial positions year-round, changing only their rising time with the seasons. Each star has a specific declination, and can give a bearing for navigation as it rises or sets. Polynesian voyagers would set a heading by a star near the horizon, switching to a new one once the first rose too high. A specific sequence of stars would be memorized for each route.[5][31][27]The Polynesians also took measurements of stellar elevation to determine their latitude. The latitudes of specific islands were also known, and the technique of "sailing down the latitude" was used.[5][31] That is, Polynesians navigated by the stars through knowledge of when particular stars, as they rotated through the night sky, would pass over the island to which the voyagers were sailing. Also knowledge that the movement of stars over different islands followed a similar pattern (that is, all the islands had a similar relationship to the night sky) provided the navigators with a sense of latitude, so that they could sail with the prevailing wind, before turning east or west to reach the island that was their destination.[4]

Some star compass systems specify as many as 150 stars with known bearings, though most systems have only a few dozen (illustration at right).[5][31][32][33] The development of sidereal compasses has been studied[34] and hypothesized to have developed from an ancient pelorus instrument.[25]

长浪

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The Polynesians also used wave and swell formations to navigate. Many of the habitable areas of the Pacific Ocean are groups of islands (or atolls) in chains hundreds of kilometres long. Island chains have predictable effects on waves and currents. Navigators who lived within a group of islands would learn the effect various islands had on the swell shape, direction, and motion, and would have been able to correct their path accordingly. Even when they arrived in the vicinity of an unfamiliar chain of islands, they may have been able to detect signs similar to those of their home.[5]

Once they had arrived fairly close to a destination island, they would have been able to pinpoint its location by sightings of land-based birds, certain cloud formations, as well as the reflections of shallow water made on the undersides of clouds. It is thought that the Polynesian navigators may have measured sailing time between islands in "canoe-days".[25]

The energy transferred from the wind to the sea produces wind waves. The waves that are created when the energy travels down away from the source area (like ripples) are known as swell. When the winds are strong at the source area, the swell is larger. The longer the wind blows, the longer the swell lasts. Because the swells of the ocean can remain consistent for days, navigators relied on them to carry their canoe in a straight line from one house (or point) on the star compass to the opposite house of the same name. Navigators were not always able to see stars; because of this, they relied on the swells of the ocean. Swell patterns are a much more reliable method of navigation than waves, which are determined by the local winds.[5][31] Swells move in a straight direction which makes it easier for the navigator to determine whether the canoe is heading in the correct direction.[35]

云朵、云的反射及天空颜色

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Polynesian navigators could identify the clouds that resulted from the white sand of coral atolls reflecting heat into the sky. Subtle differences in the colour of the sky also could be recognised as resulting from the presence of lagoons or shallow waters, as deep water was a poor reflector of light while the lighter colour of the water of lagoons and shallow waters could be identified in the reflection in the sky.[5]

In Eastern Polynesia, navigators sailing from Tahiti to the Tuamotus would sail directly east towards Anaa atoll, which has a shallow lagoon that reflects a faint green colour on to the clouds above the atoll. If the navigator drifted off their course, they could correct their course when they sighted the reflection of the lagoon in the clouds in the distance.[36]

Te lapa

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主条目：Te lapa（英语：Te lapa）

大卫·刘易斯博士（英语：David Lewis (adventurer)）及玛丽安·乔治（Marianne George）是最早一批记录一种尚未被科学解释的光现象的学者。Te lapa是一种直线形闪光，出现在水面上或水面下不远处，其光源来自岛屿。波利尼西亚人利用这种现象在海上重新定向，或寻找新的岛屿[37]。

导航仪器

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目前尚无证据表明波利尼西亚航海者在船上使用过导航仪器。然而，马绍尔群岛的密克罗尼西亚人有在岸上使用木枝航海图（英语：Marshall Islands stick chart）[38]的传统，这是一种用于表示岛屿位置及其周围海洋状况的空间海图。密克罗尼西亚航海者会通过将椰子叶的叶脉固定在方形框架上来制作这种图表，其中叶脉的弯曲和交汇点表示盛行风和海浪被岛屿阻挡所引起的波浪运动[5][31]。

与其他航海者的比较

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When European navigators first learnt of the navigational skills of Polynesians, they compared them to their own methods, which relied on, among other things, the compass, charts, astronomical tables, the sextant (or an earlier instrument with the same role) and, in later phases of European exploration, chronometers. The interest shown by European navigators, such as James Cook and Andia y Varela was heightened by their lack of knowledge of environmental navigation techniques used by their European predecessors. Non-instrumental-based navigation had been carried out in many parts of the world, having occurred in the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean and the European Atlantic. The details of these techniques varied to suit the latitude and the usual weather patterns. One such difference is that the zone in which most Polynesian voyaging was carried out was within 20° of the equator, so rising and setting stars did so at an angle that was close to vertical relative to the horizon. This is helpful to the technique of marking directions with the rising and setting points of identified stars.[39]:184–185

航行范围

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Tupaia's chart of Polynesia within 3200km of Ra'iatea. 1769, preserved in the British Museum.

On his first voyage of Pacific exploration, Captain James Cook had the services of a Polynesian navigator, Tupaia, who drew a chart of the islands within a 2,000英里（3,200公里） radius (to the north and west) of his home island of Ra'iatea.[40] Tupaia had knowledge of 130 islands and named 74 on his chart.[41] Tupaia had navigated from Ra'iatea in short voyages to 13 islands. He had not visited western Polynesia, as since his grandfather's time the extent of voyaging by Raiateans had diminished to the islands of eastern Polynesia. His grandfather and father had passed to Tupaia the knowledge as to the location of the major islands of western Polynesia and the navigation information necessary to voyage to Fiji, Samoa and Tonga.[40][42] Tupaia was hired by Joseph Banks, the ship's naturalist, who wrote that Cook ignored Tupaia's chart and downplayed his skills as a navigator.[43]

然而，库克船长在1778年2月以赞许的语气记录了他对波利尼西亚人在太平洋地区迁徙与定居的看法[44]：

How shall we account for this nation's having spread itself, in so many detached islands, so widely disjoined from each other in every quarter of the Pacific Ocean? We find it, from New Zealand, in the South, as far as the Sandwich Islands (Hawaiʻi), to the North, and, in another direction, from Easter Island, to the Hebrides (Vanuatu); that is, over an extent of sixty degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues north and south, and eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred and sixty leagues east and west! How much farther in either direction its colonies reach is not known; but what we know already; in consequence of this and our former voyage, warrants our pronouncing it to be, though perhaps not the most numerous, certainly by far the most extensive, nation upon earth.

亚南极及南极

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南极洲及其周边岛屿示意图，图中可见位于新西兰正南方、画面下方中央位置的奥克兰群岛。

关于波利尼西亚人向南方扩张的最远范围，学术界仍存在争议。

The islands of New Zealand, along with a series of outlying islands, have been labelled 'South Polynesia' by New Zealand archaeologist Atholl Anderson.[45] These islands include the Kermadec Islands, the Chatham Islands, the Auckland Islands and Norfolk Island. In each of these islands there is radiocarbon dating evidence of visits from Polynesians by 1500.[45] The material evidence of Polynesian visits to at least one of the subantarctic islands to the south of New Zealand consists of the remains of a settlement. This evidence from Enderby Island in the Auckland Islands has been radiocarbon dated back to the 13th Century.[46][47][48][49][50] Absence of remains further south than Enderby Island may imply there was a 2000 kilometer boundary around Antarctica that Polynesian peoples may not have crossed.[50]

Descriptions of a shard of early Polynesian pottery buried on the Antipodes Islands[51] are unsubstantiated, and the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, where it was supposedly stored, has stated that "The Museum has not been able to locate such a shard in its collection, and the original reference to the object in the Museum's collection documentation indicates no reference to Polynesian influences."[52]

Oral history describes Ui-te-Rangiora, around the year 650, leading a fleet of Waka Tīwai south until they reached, "a place of bitter cold where rock-like structures rose from a solid sea".[53] The brief description might match the Ross Ice Shelf or possibly the Antarctic mainland,[54] but may be a description of icebergs surrounded by sea ice found in the Southern Ocean.[55][56] The account also describes snow.

哥伦布时代前与美洲的接触

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主条目：哥伦布时代前的跨大洋接触

In the mid-20th century, Thor Heyerdahl proposed a new theory of Polynesian origins (one which did not win general acceptance), arguing that the Polynesians had migrated from South America on balsa-log boats.[57][58]

The presence in the Cook Islands of sweet potatoes, a plant native to the Americas (called kūmara in Māori), which have been radiocarbon-dated to 1000 CE, has been cited as evidence that Native Americans could have traveled to Oceania. The current thinking is that sweet potato was brought to central Polynesia circa 700 CE and spread across Polynesia from there, possibly by Polynesians who had traveled to South America and back.[59] An alternative explanation posits biological dispersal; plants and/or seeds could float across the Pacific without any human contact.[60]

A 2007 study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences examined chicken bones at El Arenal, Chile, near the Arauco Peninsula. The results suggested Oceania-to-America contact. The domestication of chickens originated in southern Asia, whereas the Araucana breed of Chile is thought to have been introduced to the Americas by Spaniards around 1500. The bones found in Chile were radiocarbon-dated to between 1304 and 1424, prior to the documented arrival of the Spanish. DNA sequences taken were exact matches to the sequences of chickens from the same period in American Samoa and Tonga, both over 5000 miles (8000 kilometers) away from Chile. The genetic sequences were also similar to those found in Hawaiʻi and Easter Island, the closest Polynesian island, at only 2500 miles (4000 kilometers). The sequences did not match any breed of European chicken.[61][62][63]Although this initial report suggested a Polynesian pre-Columbian origin, a later report looking at the same specimens concluded:[64]

A published, apparently pre-Columbian, Chilean specimen and six pre-European Polynesian specimens also cluster with the same European/Indian subcontinental/Southeast Asian sequences, providing no support for a Polynesian introduction of chickens to South America. In contrast, sequences from two archaeological sites on Easter Island group with an uncommon haplogroup from Indonesia, Japan, and China and may represent a genetic signature of an early Polynesian dispersal. Modeling of the potential marine carbon contribution to the Chilean archaeological specimen casts further doubt on claims for pre-Columbian chickens, and definitive proof will require further analyses of ancient DNA sequences and radiocarbon and stable isotope data from archaeological excavations within both Chile and Polynesia.

However, in a later study, the original authors extended and elaborated their findings, concluding:[65]

This comprehensive approach demonstrates that the examination of modern chicken DNA sequences does not contribute to our understanding of the origins of Chile's earliest chickens. Interpretations based on poorly sourced and documented modern chicken populations, divorced from the archeological and historical evidence, do not withstand scrutiny. Instead, this expanded account will confirm the pre-Columbian age of the El Arenal remains and lend support to our original hypothesis that their appearance in South America is most likely due to Polynesian contact with the Americas in prehistory.

In 2005, a linguist and an archeologist proposed a theory of contact between Hawaiians and the Chumash people of Southern California between 400 and 800 CE. The sewn-plank canoes crafted by the Chumash and neighboring Tongva are unique among the indigenous peoples of North America, but similar in design to larger canoes used by Polynesians and Melanesians for deep-sea voyages. Tomolo'o, the Chumash word for such a craft, may derive from tumula'au/kumula'au, the Hawaiian term for the logs from which shipwrights carve planks to be sewn into canoes.[66][67] The analogous Tongva term, tii'at, is unrelated. If it occurred, this contact left no genetic legacy in California or Hawaii. This theory has attracted limited media attention within California, but most archaeologists of the Tongva and Chumash cultures reject it on the grounds that the independent development of the sewn-plank canoe over several centuries is well-represented in the material record.[68][69][70]

Polynesian contact with the prehispanic Mapuche culture in central-south Chile has been suggested because of apparently similar cultural traits, including words like toki (stone axes and adzes), hand clubs similar to the Māori wahaika, the dalca –a sewn-plank canoe as used on Chiloe Archipelago, the curanto earth oven (Polynesian umu) common in southern Chile, fishing techniques such as stone wall enclosures, palín –a hockey-like game– and other potential parallels.[71][72] Some strong westerlies and El Niño wind blow directly from central-east Polynesia to the Mapuche region, between Concepción and Chiloe. A direct connection from New Zealand is possible, sailing with the Roaring Forties. In 1834, some escapees from Tasmania arrived at Chiloe Island after sailing for 43 days.[72][73]

A Mangarevan legend tells of Anua Matua who sailed in south-west direction reaching southernmost South America.[71]

Post-colonial research history

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Navigator Mau Piailug (1932–2010) of Satawal island, Micronesia

Knowledge of the traditional Polynesian methods of navigation was widely lost after contact with and colonization by Europeans. This caused debates over the reasons for the presence of the Polynesians in such isolated and scattered parts of the Pacific. According to Andrew Sharp, the explorer Captain James Cook, already familiar with Charles de Brosses's accounts of large groups of Pacific islanders who were driven off course in storms and ended up hundreds of miles away with no idea where they were, encountered in the course of one of his own voyages a castaway group of Tahitians who had become lost at sea in a gale and blown 1000 miles away to the island of Atiu. Cook wrote that this incident "will serve to explain, better than the thousand conjectures of speculative reasoners, how the detached parts of the earth, and, in particular, how the South Seas, may have been peopled".[74]

By the late 19th century to the early 20th century, a more generous view of Polynesian navigation had come into favor, creating a much romanticized view of their seamanship, canoes, and navigational expertise. Late 19th- and early 20th-century writers such as Abraham Fornander and Percy Smith told of heroic Polynesians migrating in great coordinated fleets from Asia far and wide into present-day Polynesia[58].

Another view was presented by Andrew Sharp, who challenged the "heroic vision" hypothesis, asserting instead that Polynesian maritime expertise was severely limited in the field of exploration, and that as a result, the settlement of Polynesia had been the result of luck, random island sightings, and drifting, rather than as organized voyages of colonization. Thereafter, the oral knowledge passed down for generations allowed for eventual mastery of traveling between known locations.[75] Sharp's reassessment caused a huge amount of controversy and led to a stalemate between the romantic and the skeptical views[58].

Re-creation of voyages

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Marumaru Atua in Rarotonga, 2010.

In the 1960s David Lewis sailed his catamaran from Tahiti to New Zealand, via Rarotonga using stellar navigation without instruments.[76] Lewis sought out navigators of the Caroline Islands, Santa Cruz Islands and Tonga to confirm that traditional techniques had been retained by navigators from Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia. Voyages on his ketch Isbjorn included: Tevake navigating between the Santa Cruz Islands; and Hipour of Puluwat navigating in the Caroline Islands; and also conversations with Fe'iloakitau Kaho, Ve'ehala and Kaloni Kienga from Tonga; Temi Rewi of Beru and Iotiabata Ata of Tarawa in the Gilbert Islands; and Yaleilei of Satawal in the Caroline Islands.[77] He wrote We the Navigators in 1972 about his experiences, the title a play on the classic We the Tikopia by New Zealand anthropologist Raymond Firth, about the island of that name, whose inhabitants were gifted navigators.

Ethnographic research in the Caroline Islands in Micronesia brought to light the fact that traditional stellar navigational methods were still very much in everyday use there. The building and testing of proa canoes (wa) inspired by traditional designs, the harnessing of knowledge from skilled Micronesians, as well as voyages using stellar navigation, allowed practical conclusions about the seaworthiness and handling capabilities of traditional Polynesian canoes and allowed a better understanding of the navigational methods that were likely to have been used by the Polynesians and of how they, as people, were adapted to seafaring.[78]

Anthropologist and historian Ben Finney built Nalehia, a 40-英尺（12-米） replica of a Hawaiian double canoe. Finney tested the canoe in a series of sailing and paddling experiments in Hawaiian waters. In 1973, he established the Polynesian Voyaging Society to test the contentious question of how Polynesians found their islands. The team claimed to be able to replicate ancient Hawaiian double-hulled canoes capable of sailing across the ocean using strictly traditional voyaging techniques.[79]

In 1978, the Hōkūleʻa was capsized en route to Tahiti. Eddie Aikau, a world champion surfer, and part of the crew, attempted to paddle his surfboard to the nearest island to find help. He was never seen again, but the crew was rescued.[80]

In 1980, a Hawaiian named Nainoa Thompson invented a new method of non-instrument navigation (called the "modern Hawaiian wayfinding system"), enabling him to complete the voyage from Hawaiʻi to Tahiti and back. In 1987, Matahi Whakataka-Brightwell and his mentor Francis Cowan sailed from Tahiti to New Zealand without instruments in the waka Hawaiki-nui.[81]

In New Zealand, a leading Māori navigator and ship builder was Hector Busby, who was also inspired and influenced by Nainoa Thompson and Hokulea's voyage there in 1985.[82]

In 2008, the Lapita expedition sailed two catamarans from their construction in the Philippines to Tikopia and Anuta, Polynesian outliers of the Solomon Islands. British-based catamaran designers Hanneke Boon and James Wharram closely followed the hull shape of the traditional Tikopia craft,[83] as represented by Rakeitonga, a 9 m outrigger canoe acquired by the Auckland Museum in 1916.[84] The expedition used Polynesian navigation to sail along the coast of Northern New Guinea and then sailed 150 miles to an island for which they had modern charts, proving that it is possible to sail a modern catamaran along the path of the Lapita Pacific migration.[85] The 'Lapita Tikopia' and its sistership 'Lapita Anuta' took five months to sail to the islands, following the ancient migration route of the Lapita people into the Pacific. This voyage of maritime archaeology culminated in the gift of these boats to the islanders, with the intention of ending " an era of being cut off from the surrounding islands and their extended family connections" and allowing deep-sea fishing once more.[86] Unlike many other modern Polynesian "replica" voyages, the Wharram catamarans were at no point towed or escorted by a modern vessel with modern GPS navigation system, nor were they fitted with a motor.

In 2010, O Tahiti Nui Freedom, an outrigger sailing canoe, retraced the path of the Polynesian migration by sailing from Tahiti to China via the Cook Islands, Tonga, Fiji, Vanuatu, Solomons, Papua New Guinea, Palau, and the Philippines in 123 days.[87]

In 2013, a modern, non-instrument voyage was launched called Mālama Honua. It traveled across the world leaving Hilo, Hawaii, initially. This was not a re-creation of a known historical voyage. The spirit of the voyage was to spread the message of conservation. In fact, "mālama honua" means, roughly, to care for Earth, in Hawaiian. The journey was made on two vessels: the Hōkūle'a and the Hikianalia. Nainoa Thompson was on the crew.[88]

注释

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  1. ^ 双体独木舟由两个长度相等的大船体并排捆扎而成，中间的空间可用于在进行长途航行时储存食物、狩猎工具及渔网。
  2. ^ 他们的祖先被认为在大约8000年前从中国大陆南部迁徙而来
  3. ^ 考古研究支持了口述传统所记载的内容，包括波利尼西亚人的定居时间及起源[15][16]。

参见

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参考

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引用

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  1. ^ Bellwood, Peter. The Polynesians Prehistory of an Island People. NY: Thames and Hudson. 1978: 39. ISBN 978-0-500-02093-7. 
  2. ^ Clark, Liesl. Polynesia's Genius Navigators. PBS. 2000-02-15 [2016-11-17]. 
  3. ^ Bellwood, Peter. The Polynesians Prehistory of an Island People. NY: Thames and Hudson. 1978: 42. ISBN 978-0-500-02093-7. 
  4. ^ 4.0 4.1 Holmes, Lowell Don. Island Migrations (1): The Polynesian Navigators Followed a Unique Plan. XXV(11) Pacific Islands Monthly. 1955-06-01 [2021-10-01]. 
  5. ^ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 Holmes, Lowell Don. Island Migrations (2): Birds and Sea Currents Aided Canoe Navigators. XXVI(1) Pacific Islands Monthly. 1955-08-01 [2021-10-01]. 
  6. ^ Anderson, Atholl. No meat on that beautiful shore: the prehistoric abandonment of subtropical Polynesian islands. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology. January 2001, 11 (1–2): 14–23. ISSN 1047-482X. doi:10.1002/oa.542 可免费查阅 （英语）. 
  7. ^ Eckstein, Lars; Schwarz, Anja. The Making of Tupaia's Map: A Story of the Extent and Mastery of Polynesian Navigation, Competing Systems of Wayfinding on James Cook's Endeavour , and the Invention of an Ingenious Cartographic System. The Journal of Pacific History. 2019-01-02, 54 (1): 1–95. ISSN 0022-3344. doi:10.1080/00223344.2018.1512369 可免费查阅 （英语）. 
  8. ^ Kirch, Patrick V. Polynesian Prehistory: Cultural Adaptation in Island Ecosystems: Oceanic islands serve as archaeological laboratories for studying the complex dialectic between human populations and their environments. American Scientist. 1980, 68 (1): 39–48. ISSN 0003-0996. JSTOR 27849718. 
  9. ^ K. R. Howe. Vaka Moana: Voyages of the Ancestors – The Discovery and Settlement of the Pacific. Albany, Auckland: David Bateman. 2006: 92–98. ISBN 1869536258. 
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来源

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外部链接

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检索自“https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Fridiy/Sandbox2&oldid=87658030”