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草稿:混合政權

维基百科，自由的百科全书

en:Hybrid regime

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混合政体（英文：hybrid regime）[a]是在威权政体與民主政体間轉型不完全所導致的政治制度。[b]其兼具专制和民主政權特征、可同时进行政治镇压和定期选举。[10][8][11]混合政体通常出现在諸如石油国家等自然资源丰富的发展中国家，其可能在經歷國內動盪後的數十年內，表現出相對穩定和頑強的特性。[b]冷战结束后，混合政体有所增加。[12][13]

「混合政体」一词源于反对把专制或民主直接二分的政治体制多态性观点。[14]现代学术界分析主要著重於民主制度如何成為混合政權的擺飾，例如选举不会导致权力更迭、不同媒体都在播报政府观点、议会中的反对派与执政党投票方式相同等，[15]並總結指出混合政体最常見的基础有民主倒退、向威权主义过渡等。[b][16]一些学者还认为，混合政体可能会模仿威權政體。[17][18]

定義

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政治學者們會因各自專攻的学术不同，而對「混合政權」給出不同的定義。[19]據Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach指出，「有學者認為不健全的民主或專制可視為混合政權，但也有學者認為混合政權是結合了民主與專制的政權特點」[3]學者也對混合政權是屬於轉型政權、抑或是本質上穩定的政體有所爭論。[20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27]

1995年，Terry Karl導入了「混合政權」一詞，並定義為「結合了民主與專制部份的政權。」[28]

Matthijs Bogaards定義為：「不是某個政體的弱化變種，而是混合專制和民主兩種政權的基本類型特徵，因此結合兩者維度。」[29]

Pippa Norris定義為：「政治系統，其行政權缺乏制衡、選舉有缺陷甚至暫停、反對派力量支離破碎。國家政權會對媒體、知識份子、公民團體等施加限制，視法治為無物、法院權力受限、安全部隊侵犯人權、國家還會容忍威權價值觀。」[30]

Henry E. Hale定義為：「一定程度上，結合了民主與專制特點的政權。不過，混合政權擁有獨特的動態；他們不會如我們所想，是單純的民主一半、專制一半。」[31]

Leonardo Morlino定義為：「一種存在了數十年之久的政治體制，不考慮其穩定性。它可能之前是威權主義、含有殖民主義特徵的傳統政體，甚至是有限民主。其體制特徵為有限的多元主義、還有獨立自主的政治參與形式，但但缺乏至少一個最基本民主四要素。」[32]

Jeffrey C. Isaac定義為：「混合政權的共同特徵為競爭，但掌權的政治菁英，會刻意在國家法規和政治方面，安插不當優勢」[33]

歷史

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2010–2020年代中，各國的專制與民主變化。紅色代表國家走向專制化、藍色代表走向民主化、灰色則代表沒有大幅度變動[34]

混合政權自1970年代的第三波民主化後開始出現。[35]這類混合政權在體制上既不屬完全民主或完全專制；概念上亦非不自由的民主或選舉威權主義。[35][36][37]

冷戰結束後，混合政權成為非民主國家中，最常見的政體。[38][39]當國家處於專制政權轉型後頭，並出現自由化跡象時，通常會出現有限選舉。理論上會假設有限選舉，最後會走向自由民主，但事實上，政治改革最終會在有限選舉階段停滯。[40]

與先前的「過渡政權」一詞相較，「混合政權」是從1980年代出現，Thomas Carothers的說法，使其獲得關注：

多數「過渡政權」並非完全威權、但也無法走向民主。這些政權遊走政治穩定的灰色地帶，可能十幾年內都不會改變，很難被稱為「過渡」。因此Carothers認為，探討此類混合政權時，不能假設其最終會成為民主政體。這種混合政體也被稱為半威權主義、或選舉威權主義。[41]

Hybrid regimes have evolved to lean more authoritarian while keeping some democratic traits.[42] One of the main issues with authoritarian rule is the ability to control the threats from the masses, and democratic elements in hybrid regimes can reduce social tension between the masses and the elite.[43] After the third wave of democratization, some regimes became stuck in the transition to democracy, causing the creation of weak democratic institutions.[44] This results from a lack of institutional ownership during critical points in the transition period leading the regime into a gray zone between democracy and autocracy.[45]

These developments have caused some scholars to believe that hybrid regimes are not poorly functioning democracies, but rather new forms of authoritarian regimes.[46] Defective democratic stability is an indicator to explain and measure these new forms of autocracies.[47] Additionally, approval ratings of political leaders play an important role in these types of regimes, and democratic elements can drive up the ratings of a strongman leader creating a tool not utilized previously.[48] Today, 'hybrid regime' is a term used to explain a growing field of political development where authoritarian leaders incorporate elements of democracy that stabilize their regimes.[49]

指標

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Bertelsmann Transformation Index2022年的全球趨勢報告[50]

根據吉列尔莫·奥唐纳、菲利普·C·施米特、拉里·戴蒙德、托马斯·卡罗瑟斯等學者的看法，混合政權的特徵有：[26][51]

  1. 擁有民主政權外在屬性，比如選舉、多黨制、合法的反對黨等。
  2. 在政治決策過程中，公民利益的代表性不足（這意味諸如工會等公民團體的失能，或是受國家控制）。
  3. 政治參與程度低。
  4. 宣示性、或形式上的政治權利與自由，要實際執行這些權利與自由會有困難。
  5. 公民對政治機構的信任度低。

過渡的形式

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更多信息：民主過渡

專制化

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约2010以来, 全球范围内专制化国家数量（蓝色）高于民主化国家数量（黄色）

民主倒退（英語：Democratic backsliding），又称专制化（英語：autocratization）[52][53][c] ，是一个政治学术语，用以描述政治体制中民主特征的减少[60] ，是民主化的反义词。

民主化

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民主化通常指的是政權由獨裁體制轉變成民主體制的過程。不少人主張民主化可以被視為一種長期而且連續的歷史過程[61]，而且可以發生在各種社會領域，例如經濟民主化、家庭民主化等[62]，近來也有學者討論全球化的民主治理議題[63]。

民主化是政治制度朝向更民主的狀態發展之過渡過程[64]，包括朝著民主方向發展的實質性政治變革。它可能是從專制政權向完全民主政體過渡的混合狀態，從專制政治制度向半民主過渡，或從半專制政治制度向民主政治制度過渡的混合狀態。[65] 相反的過程有民主倒退或獨裁。

量測

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主条目：Democracy indices
更多信息：Democratic backsliding by country

There are various democratic freedom indices produced by intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations that publish assessments of the worlds political systems, according to their own definitions.[66]

Democracy Index

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Democracy index types

According to the Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit there are 34 hybrid regimes, representing approximately 20% of countries, encompassing 17.2% to 20.5% of the world's population.[67]

"The EIU Democracy Index is based on ratings across 60 indicators, grouped into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, civil liberties, the functioning of government, political participation and political culture."[66] The Democracy Index defines hybrid regimes with the following characteristics:[67]

  • Electoral fraud or irregularities occur regularly
  • Pressure is applied to political opposition
  • Corruption is widespread and rule of law tends to be weak
  • Media is pressured and harassed
  • There are issues in the functioning of governance
The 2024 Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index[67]

As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Democracy Index" are:

Global State of Democracy Report

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According to the "Global State of Democracy Report" by International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), there are twenty hybrid regimes.[68] "International IDEA compiles data from 12 different data sources, including expert surveys and observational data includes the extent to which voting rights are inclusive, political parties are free to form and campaign for office, elections are free, and political offices are filled through elections."[66] IDEA defined hybrid regimes as:[69]

Combination of the elements of authoritarianism with democracy ... These often adopt the formal characteristics of democracy (while allowing little real competition for power) with weak respect for basic political and civil rights

As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Global State of Democracy Report" are:[70]

V-Dem Democracy Indices

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Map of V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index in 2024[71]

According to the V-Dem Democracy Indices compiled by the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg there are 65 hybrid regimes.[72] V-Dem's "Regimes of the World" indicators identify four political regimes: closed autocracies, electoral autocracies, electoral democracies, and liberal democracies.[73]

According to the V-Dem Institute:[74]

In 2021, 70% of the world population – 5.4 billion people – live in closed or electoral autocracies. A mere 13% of the world's population reside in liberal democracies, and 16% in electoral democracies.

Freedom House

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Freedom House ratings for European Union and surrounding states, in 2019:[75]
  Free
  Partly free
  Not free

Freedom House measures the level of political and economic governance in 29 countries from Central Europe to Central Asia.[76]

"Freedom House assign scores to countries and territories across the globe on 10 indicators of political rights (e.g., whether there is a realistic opportunity for opposition parties to gain power through elections) and 15 indicators of civil liberties (e.g., whether there is a free and independent media)."[66] Freedom House classifies transitional or hybrid regimes as:[76]

Countries that are typically electoral democracies where democratic institutions are fragile, and substantial challenges to the protection of political rights and civil liberties exist

In 2022, Freedom House classified 11 of 29 countries analyzed as "Transitional or Hybrid Regimes":[76]

歸類

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更多信息：List of countries by system of government和List of forms of government
Countries in green claim to be a type of democracy while countries in red do not. Only Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Brunei, Afghanistan, and the Vatican do not claim to be democratic.

According to Yale professor Juan José Linz, there are three main types of political systems today: democracies, totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes with many different terms that describe specific types of hybrid regimes.[b][a][77][26][78][79][1]

Academics generally refer to a full dictatorship as either a form of authoritarianism or totalitarianism over a "hybrid system".[80][78][81] Authoritarian governments that conduct elections are in many scholars view not hybrids, but are successful well-institutionalized stable authoritarian regimes.[b][82][83][84] Democratic elements can simultaneously serve authoritarian purposes and contribute to democratization.[85]

選舉威權主義

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選舉獨裁主義

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不自由的民主

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非自由民主（英語：illiberal democracy）[86][87][88]，其亦稱不自由民主、威權復辟，与自由民主制相对[89]，是一种虽有「民主」却无法保障公民自由的不完全、不成熟的民主制度，不以保障自由、人权及強調法治作为其民主运作的主要特征[90]。

非自由民主國家的統治者可能會忽視或繞過憲法對其權力的限制。他們也傾向於忽視少數人的意願，這正是民主不自由的原因。[91] 非自由民主國家的選舉經常被操縱，被用來合法化和鞏固現任掌權者，而不是用以選擇國家的領導人和政策。[92]

於此种政制之下，国家通过限制民众的自由权利，以维护国家利益並促进经济发展，虽然实行民主制度並允許選舉，但是人權得不到保障並缺乏公民自由，權利随时有可能被侵犯和剥夺，公民对行使权力的群体的行为亦缺少知情权，並非真正意義上的“开放社会”。实行此种政制的国家，既不能划分为“自由国家”或者“非自由国家”，更多地是被划分为“可能是自由国家”，这些国家介于民主与非民主政体之间[93]。这可能是因为存在一部限制政府权力有餘，但保障公民自由不足的宪法框架，導致政府經常有意無意忽视公民自由[94]。

一党优势制

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一党优势制（英語：dominant-party system或one-party dominant system），又称一党独大制[95]，是形容一個國家由某政黨透過民主選舉制度下，長期勝出而得以達到穩固執政之政局情境。通常發生在共和制的发展中国家。此種政黨通常在立法機關（國會）中連續數次取得大多數議席，又或贏得總統選舉。

代表性民主制

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Delegative democracy

软性独裁

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指導民主

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指导民主[96]（英語：Guided democracy）又称管理式民主（Managed democracy）是威权独裁（Authoritarian dictatorship）和软威权主义（Soft authoritarianism）的委婉说法。“指导民主”常被用来指代发展中国家普遍倾向于采取的中央集权体制。[97]实行“指导民主”的政府往往由公正自由化的选举产生，但在改变国家政策，意志和目标方面缺乏实质性权力。[98]其实际独裁者紧抓着政治体系的控制权，但是他很少控制社会的其他面向，而且受到诸如教会、军队、资产阶级等其他机构的节制。[97]典型的例子有中華民國國民政府時代的訓政，現今的泰國自2019年軍政府狀態結束後，由軍方掌控參議院全部席位，以及實行2008年憲法的緬甸，軍方掌握議會兩院各四分之一的席位，還有印度尼西亚前总统苏加诺执政时期实行的“纳沙贡”政策。如今，它被廣泛使用於形容普京領導下的俄羅斯，由研究克里姆林宮的專家格列布·巴甫洛夫斯基（英语：Gleb Pavlovsky）等學者套入概念並普及使用[99]。而目前由人民行动党所帶領的新加坡也可以屬於此一範疇。

自由的專制

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半民主

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無支配體制（英語：Anocracy），又譯為無支配統治、無體制政體，政治學術語，一種政體形態。在這種政體下，政權不是由政治組織控制，而是分散在數個不同的精英群體中，這些群體彼此競逐權力。在非洲，索馬利亞、烏干達、奈及利亞、肯亞及辛巴威，都被歸類在無支配體制之下。在政治學中，無支配體制有時被認為是介於民主與獨裁政體之間的過渡型態，又可被譯為半民主、虛民主、非民主等。

有缺陷的民主

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嵌入式民主

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競爭性威權主義

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Competitive Authoritarian Regimes (or Competitive Authoritarianism) is a subtype of Authoritarianism and of the wider Hybrid Regime regime type. This regime type was created to encapsulate states that contained formal democratic institutions that rulers viewed as the principal means of obtaining and exercising legitimate political authority with a meaningful opposition and other semblances of democratic political society. However officials violate elections frequently and interfere with opposition organisations causing the regime to miss the minimum conventional standard for democracy.[100][101][102][103]

Three main instruments are used within Competitive Authoritarian Regimes to maintain political power: the self-serving use of state institutions (regarding abuses of electoral and judicial institutions such as voter intimidation and voter fraud); the overuse of state resources (to gain influence and/or power over proportional representation media, and use legal resources to disturb constitutional change); and the disruption of civil liberties (such as freedom of speech/press and association).[101]

Currently, within the political sphere, Competitive Authoritarianism has become a crucial regime type that has grown exponentially since the Post-Soviet era in multiple world regions without signs of slowing. On the contrary, there has been growth of Competitive Authoritarianism within previously steadfast democratic regimes, which has been attributed to the recent phenomenon of democratic backsliding.[104][102]

參見

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註解

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  1. ^ 1.0 1.1 學者會使用多種術語，強調完全威權主義與完全民主政權之間的灰色地帶。[1]這些術語包含：競爭性威權主義（competitive authoritarianism）、半威權主義（semi-authoritarianism）、混合威權主義（hybrid authoritarianism）、選舉威權主義（electoral authoritarianism）、自由的專制（liberal autocracy）、代表性民主制（delegative democracy）、不自由的民主（illiberal democracy）、指導民主（guided democracy）、訓政、半民主（semi-democracy）、不健全的民主（deficient democracy）、有缺陷的民主（defective democracy）、混合民主（hybrid democracy）等。[2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9]
  2. ^ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 學界仍在爭論「混合」的具體定義，請詳見#定義。
  3. ^ Other names include: democratic decline,[54] de-democratization,[55] democratic erosion,[56] democratic decay,[57] democratic recession,[58] democratic regression,[54] and democratic deconsolidation[59]

參考資料

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  1. ^ 1.0 1.1 Gagné, Jean-François, Hybrid Regimes, Oxford University Press (OUP), Mar 10, 2015, doi:10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0167 
  2. ^ Plattner, Marc F. Is Democracy in Decline?. kipdf.com. 1969-12-31 [2022-12-27]. （原始内容存档于2023-04-06）. 
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 Hybrid Concepts and the Concept of Hybridity. European Consortium for Political Research. 2019-09-07 [2022-11-18]. （原始内容存档于2023-04-06）. 
  4. ^ Urribarri, Raul A. Sanchez. Courts between Democracy and Hybrid Authoritarianism: Evidence from the Venezuelan Supreme Court. Law & Social Inquiry (Wiley). 2011, 36 (4): 854–884 [2022-11-16]. ISSN 0897-6546. JSTOR 41349660. S2CID 232400805. doi:10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01253.x. （原始内容存档于2022-11-16）. 
  5. ^ Göbel, Christian. Semiauthoritarianism. 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320 United States: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2011: 258–266. ISBN 9781412969017. doi:10.4135/9781412979351.n31. 
  6. ^ Tlemcani, Rachid. Electoral Authoritarianism. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 2007-05-29 [2022-11-16]. （原始内容存档于2023-04-06）. 
  7. ^ What is Hybrid Democracy?. Digital Society School. 2022-05-19 [2022-11-16]. （原始内容存档于2023-04-05）. 
  8. ^ 8.0 8.1 Zinecker, Heidrun. Regime-Hybridity in Developing Countries: Achievements and Limitations of New Research on Transitions. International Studies Review ([Oxford University Press, Wiley, The International Studies Association]). 2009, 11 (2): 302–331 [2022-11-18]. ISSN 1521-9488. JSTOR 40389063. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2486.2009.00850.x. （原始内容存档于2022-11-16）. 
  9. ^ Index. Dem-Dec. 2017-09-23 [2022-11-21]. （原始内容存档于2022-11-21）. 
  10. ^ Croissant, A.; Kailitz, S.; Koellner, P.; Wurster, S. Comparing autocracies in the early Twenty-first Century: Volume 1: Unpacking Autocracies - Explaining Similarity and Difference. Taylor & Francis. 2015: 212 [Nov 27, 2022]. ISBN 978-1-317-70018-0. （原始内容存档于December 9, 2022）. 
  11. ^ Carothers, Christopher. The Surprising Instability of Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy. 2018, 29 (4): 129–135. ISSN 1086-3214. S2CID 158234306. doi:10.1353/jod.2018.0068. 
  12. ^ Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan. The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy (Project Muse). 2002, 13 (2): 51–65. ISSN 1086-3214. S2CID 6711009. doi:10.1353/jod.2002.0026. 
  13. ^ Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War. Department of Political Science. [2022-11-16]. （原始内容存档于2023-04-06）. 
  14. ^ Hybrid Regimes. obo. [2019-08-13]. （原始内容存档于2019-07-29）. 
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延伸閱讀

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當代的分析

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研究歷史

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The researchers conducted a comparative analysis of political regimes around the world (Samuel Finer 1970), in developing countries (Almond and Coleman, 1960 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2023-04-04.), among Latin America (Collier 1979) and West Africa regimes (Zolberg, 1966). Types of non-democratic regimes are described (Linz, 2000, originally published in 1975 and Perlmutter, 1981). Huntington and Moore (Huntington and Moore, 1970) discuss the one-party system issue Hermet (Guy Hermet, Rose, & Rouquie 1978) explores how elections are held in such authoritarian regimes, which are nominally democratic institutions.

"Hybrid regimes" (Diamond 2002), "competitive authoritarianism" (Levitsky and Way 2002 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2019-08-08.) and "electoral authoritarianism" (Schedler, 2006) as well as how officials who came to power in an undemocratic way form election rules (Lust-Okar and Jamal, 2002 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2019-07-30.), institutionalize electoral frauds (Lehoucq 2003 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2022-03-13., Schedler 2002 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2019-08-26.) and manipulate the economy (L. Blaydes 互联网档案馆的存檔，存档日期2023-04-04. 2006, Magaloni 2006) in order to win the election and stay in power.

外部連結

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检索自“https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Draft:混合政權&oldid=86931070”